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In this article the role of military-political myths in the formation and development of Montenegrin statehood in the 19th and early 20th centuries is discussed. In the second half of the twentieth century the interest in political mythology in the humanities and social sciences increased. Scientists drew attention to how quickly myths fused with modern political ideologies and how successfully they were used in public life to achieve political goals. This popularity of myths was explained by the fact that myths affect not only the consciousness, but also the subconscious of the electorate, referring to the ancient archetypes that underlie different cultures. This is the power of modern political mythology. It is invulnerable to rational arguments, often appealing to historical feelings, and not to reason. History knows many examples when myths rooted in the deep past brought politicians substantial dividends in the present. In the XIX – early XX centuries such an active “exploitation” of military-political myths could be observed in the Montenegrin principality. The myth of the invincibility of Montenegrin warriors became an incentive for an irreconcilable struggle with the Ottoman Empire. The heroic epic created by the people over several centuries justified the need to build their own national state. Myths helped strengthen the authority of the ruler, gave him the opportunity to keep the country in a state of strict discipline and unconditional submission to the monarch. Montenegrin military historical myths also helped to strengthen the authority of the principality in the international arena. The leaders of the Russian Empire were determined to use the unique fighting qualities of the Montenegrins to achieve their own goals in the Balkans and therefore did not spare the funds for the modernization of the armed forces of Montenegro. However the result of modernization was unexpectedly small compared to the size of Russian subsidies.

In Russian Slavic studies of the XIX–XX centuries an important role was played by the Montenegrin principality. The struggle for independence against the Ottoman Empire left a deep mark on the history and artistic heritage of the Montenegrins. In the feudal era it was a small nation inside the Serbian state, but in modern period they waged endless wars against the conquerors, who considered the west of the Balkan Peninsula the possession of the Turkish sultan. Because of these wars, the Montenegrin tribes were doomed to poverty, hunger, social and cultural backwardness. For a long time Montenegro did not have the opportunity to maintain active ties with other European countries, remained aloof from scientific and technological achievements and from progress in the humanitarian sphere. As the result of the cultural isolation of the Montenegrins, which lasted for several centuries, the traditional tribal way of life, mythological consciousness, and the folklore were preserved. However, such an archaic state of society did not mean that the country did not develop. The ideas of the Age of Enlightenment were almost unknown to the Montenegrins, but their own scale of values was formed in their environment, based on important concepts such as freedom, honor, valor, loyalty, military duty, etc. They had their own meaning for the Montenegrins, significantly different from common meaning of these words in other European countries. The mechanism for the transmission of these values was also unique. Montenegrin youths grew up to the sound of Montenegrin gusle and the monotonous singing of folk song performers, absorbing the warlike spirit of these songs, the brutal details of the battles and admiring the heroes, whose names were passed from mouth to mouth from generation to generation.

The article is dedicated to the issue of the participation of the officials and public organizations of Russia in the selection of candidates for education in our country among Montenegrin youth in schools and higher educational institutions. Russian officials were interested in creating a number of specialists in the Slavic lands of the Balkan Peninsula, connected with Russia, who knew and loved Russian culture. Today, such a policy is called “soft power”, and in the XIX and early XX centuries this was a manifestation of pragmatism and strategic calculation in the foreign policy of the empire. Montenegro, which received international recognition after the Berlin Congress of 1878, became a privileged partner and client of Russia. Monarch Nikola Petrovich managed to convince the Russian government that in case of military complications in the Balkans, the Montenegrins would be able to assist Russia in the hostilities. In the last third of the XIX — early XX centuries Russian autocracy paid substantial subsidies to the Montenegrin authorities for the modernization of the state apparatus and the armed forces. Benefits were constantly increased and added up to huge sums. However, the ruler of Montenegro turned out to be an obstinate ward, inclined to forget about the support provided and ignore the political recommendations of the Russian tsar and his entourage. At the beginning of the twentieth century relations between the two countries were strained, and the behavior of Nikola Petrovich often seemed unpredictable. He easily broke his own promises, from time to time he showed a willingness to change Russian patronage for the friendship of Western Europe. Many Russian diplomats and public figures saw a way out of this impasse in preparing as many highly educated specialists as possible for Montenegro, who would join the political elite of the principality and become more reliable allies than the greedy older generation. Moreover, in Montenegro, which had recently switched from a tribal way of life to state life, there was neither a complete secondary school in the European sense, nor higher educational institutions. The calculations of the Russian leadership were only partially justified. However, in this small Balkan country, graduates of Russian educational institutions, sincerely grateful and devoted to Russia, did live and work.