eLIBRARY ID: 8377
ISSN: 2074-1588
Recieved: 04/18/2022
Accepted: 05/18/2022
Published: 12/31/2022
Keywords: Russian Empire; Montenegrin Principality; Montenegrin students in Russia; Commission for the Education of South Slavs in Russia; Slavic charitable committees; scholarship holders of Prince Nikola
DOI Number: 10.55959/MSU-2074-1588-19-2022-4-184-195
Khlebnikova V.B. Education of Montenegrins in the Russian Empire as a Tool of Political and Cultural Influence (By the Example of the Activities of the MFA and slavic charity committees). // Moscow University Bulletin. Series 19. Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 2022. Issue 4. 184-195 https://doi.org/10.55959/MSU-2074-1588-19-2022-4-184-195.
The article is dedicated to the issue of the participation of the officials and public organizations of Russia in the selection of candidates for education in our country among Montenegrin youth in schools and higher educational institutions. Russian officials were interested in creating a number of specialists in the Slavic lands of the Balkan Peninsula, connected with Russia, who knew and loved Russian culture. Today, such a policy is called “soft power”, and in the XIX and early XX centuries this was a manifestation of pragmatism and strategic calculation in the foreign policy of the empire. Montenegro, which received international recognition after the Berlin Congress of 1878, became a privileged partner and client of Russia. Monarch Nikola Petrovich managed to convince the Russian government that in case of military complications in the Balkans, the Montenegrins would be able to assist Russia in the hostilities. In the last third of the XIX — early XX centuries Russian autocracy paid substantial subsidies to the Montenegrin authorities for the modernization of the state apparatus and the armed forces. Benefits were constantly increased and added up to huge sums. However, the ruler of Montenegro turned out to be an obstinate ward, inclined to forget about the support provided and ignore the political recommendations of the Russian tsar and his entourage. At the beginning of the twentieth century relations between the two countries were strained, and the behavior of Nikola Petrovich often seemed unpredictable. He easily broke his own promises, from time to time he showed a willingness to change Russian patronage for the friendship of Western Europe. Many Russian diplomats and public figures saw a way out of this impasse in preparing as many highly educated specialists as possible for Montenegro, who would join the political elite of the principality and become more reliable allies than the greedy older generation. Moreover, in Montenegro, which had recently switched from a tribal way of life to state life, there was neither a complete secondary school in the European sense, nor higher educational institutions. The calculations of the Russian leadership were only partially justified. However, in this small Balkan country, graduates of Russian educational institutions, sincerely grateful and devoted to Russia, did live and work.
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